Selected Writings

 

 

Portrait of John Bassett

AN

ALABAMA STUDENT

And Other Biographical Essays

By

WILLIAM OSLER, M.D., AND F.R.S.

Regius Professor of Medicine, Oxford;
Honorary Professor of Medicine,
Johns Hopkins University,
Baltimore

 

CONTENTS

Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .iv
An Alabama Student. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
Thomas Dover, Physician and Buccaneer. . . . . . . . . . . . . .19
John Keats, The Apothecary Poet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .37
Oliver Wendell Holmes  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
John Locke as a Physician  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
Elisha Bartlett, A Rhode Island Philosoper. . . . . . . . . . . .108
A Backwood Physiologist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
The Influence of Louis on American Medicine . . . . . . . . .189
William Pepper. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .211
Alfred Stillé . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
Sir Thomas Browne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248

Fracastorius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .278
Harvey and His Discovery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295

 

 

SECOND IMPRESSION

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AMERICAN BRANCH

NEW YORK: WEST 32ND STREET

LONDON: HENRY FROWDE

1909

 

DEDICATED

TO

WILLIAM HENRY WELCH

PROFESSOR OF PATHOLOGY, JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY WHOSE UNSELFISH DEVOTION TO SCIENCE ILLUSTRATES THE SPIRIT THAT IN EVERY AGE HAS MADE MEDICINE OF SERVICE TO HUMANITY

 



PREFACE

To a lifelong interest in biography as a recreation I have added a strong conviction of its value in education; and so it has happened that for the occasional address a biographical subject was often chosen. Of those here collected, all of which have already appeared in the journals, more than half deal with aspects of the life of physicians in the United States. In what better way could I show gratitude for the extraordinary kindness experienced during twenty-one years than by a constant appeal to the students to take as their models the great men of the profession of their own country? In no age and in no land have the Hippocratic ideals been more fully realized than in some of the lives here portrayed. Pictures such as these, detached as many of them are from each other, have but one value to the student—to waken that precious quality of human sympathy which may enable him to appreciate that in the simple annals of such a career as the 'Alabama Student' a life may be as perfect as in a Harvey or a Locke.

                                    WILLIAM OSLER

 

 

 

 

AN ALABAMA STUDENT 1

I

Chief among the hard sayings of the Gospel is the declaration, 'He that loveth father or mother or son or daughter more than Me is not worthy of Me.' Yet the spirit that made possible its acceptance, and which is responsible for Christianity as it is—or rather, perhaps, as it was—is the same which in all ages has compelled men to follow ideals, even at the sacrifice of the near and the dear ones at home. In Varied tones to all, at one time or another, the call comes: to one, to forsake all and follow Him; to another, to scorn delights and live the laborious days of a student; to the third, to renounce all in the life of a Sunnyasi. Many are the wandbearers, few are the mystics, as the old Greek has it, or, in the words which we know better, 'Many are called, but few are chosen.' The gifts were diversified, but the same spirit animated the 'flaming heart of St. Theresa', the patient soul of Palissy the potter, and the mighty intellect of John Hunter.

We honour those who respond to the call; we love to tell the story of their lives; and while feeling, perhaps, that we could not have been, with them, faithful unto death, yet we recognize in the power of

1 Read at the Johns Hopkins Hospital Historical Club, January, 1895. Reprinted from the Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, No. 58, January, 1896.

OSLER B


2 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

their example the leaven which leavens the mass of selfishness about us. These 'mystics' and 'chosen' are often not happy men, often not the successful men. They see of the travail of their souls and are not satisfied, and, in the bitterness of the thought that they are not better than their fathers, are ready, with Elijah, to lie down and die.

To-night I wish to tell you the story of a man of whom you have never heard, whose name is not written on the scroll of fame, but of one who heard the call and forsook all and followed his ideal.

When looking over the literature of malarial fevers in the South, chance threw in my way Fenner's Southern Medical Reports, vols. i and ii, which were issued in 1849 -50 and 1850-51. Among many articles of interest, I was particularly impressed with two by Dr. John Y. Bassett, of Huntsville, Alabama, in whom I seemed to recognize a 'likeness to the wise below', a 'kindred with the great of old'. I wrote to Huntsville to ascertain what had become of Dr. Bassett, and my correspondent referred me to his daughter, from whom I received a packet of letters written from Paris in 1836. I have her permission to make the extracts which are here given.

There are a few men in every community who, from temperament or conviction, cannot bow to the Baals of the society about them, and who stand aloof in thought at least, from the common herd. Such men tread a steep and thorny road, and of such in all ages has the race delighted to make its martyrs. The letters indicate in Dr. Bassett a restless, nonconforming spirit, which turned aside from the hollowness and deceit of much of the life about him. As a student he had doubtless felt a glow of enthusiasm at the rapid de-

 

AN ALABAMA STUDENT 3


 

velopment of the science of medicine, and amid the worries and vexations of a country practice his heart burned with the hope of some time visiting the great centres of learning. As the years passed, the impulse grew more and more urgent to go forth and see the great minds which had controlled his hours of study. All students flocked to Paris in the fourth decade. Nowhere else was the pool so deeply stirred, and Laennec, Broussais, Louis, Andral, Velpeau, and others dominated the thoughts of the profession. One can imagine how carefully the plan was laid, and how for years the little surplus earnings were hoarded for the purpose. But the trial which demanded the greatest courage was the leaving of wife and children, and there are passages in the letters which indicate that the struggle was hard, not indeed without bitterness. He apologizes frequently for an apparent cruelty in leaving them for the sake of his profession; and the neighbours did not make it easier for the poor wife, whose desertion they could not understand. In one of the letters he says, 'So people say I have left you? Well, so I have, and you ought always to put the most charitable construction on such remarks; the same people when I come back will possibly say I have returned. Sometimes remarks of this sort are made carelessly, as men tramp upon worms; sometimes from wantonness, as boys pull off the wings of flies and pierce them with pins; sometimes for sport, as hunters shoot inoffensive creatures that are of no service; sometimes for spite, as we kill fleas; sometimes for experiment, as philosophers torture dogs; but seldom from wickedness, as pagans skin saints, and as Christians skin one another.' And in another he says, 'My expressions put me in mind of a sick man's repentance. I know, Isaphaena, you have

B2


 

4 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

borne much for and from me, and you will have to do so again, and I hope you may do it pleasantly; and if it is any gratification to you to know, you have a husband who appreciates your conduct.'

The letters begin from Baltimore in the last week of December, 1835. He had lost his diploma, for he applied to Dr. James H. Miller, the President and Professor of Anatomy of the Washington Medical College, for a certificate, which is found among the papers, stating that he is a regular graduate of that institution, but not mentioning the year.

He took passage by the Roscoe, Capt. Delano in command, bound for Liverpool. He sailed on Jan. 6, and in an interesting letter an account is given of the voyage. They reached the English Channel on the 26th. A glowing description is given of the fine way in which the passengers lived on these packet-ships. He entreats his wife to feel sure that all would go well, though she might not hear from him very regularly, and he begs her in all matters to remember his motto, 'Peace on earth and good will towards men.' He expresses great anxiety about the training of his two children, and bids her not to spare the rod if necessary, saying, 'as the twig is bent the tree inclines.'

The first long letter, descriptive of Manchester, York, and Edinburgh, is illustrated by very neat little sketches. He was very much impressed with York, and says that 'if ever I was to be born again I would like it to be at York'.

In Edinburgh he visited everything, from the fifteenstory hovels to the one-story palaces. He gives a description of some graves at Leith covered with iron grates and locked to keep the surgeons out; with a watch kept the entire night. He was enchanted


 

AN ALABAMA STUDENT

with Edinburgh in all matters except one. He says, '0 Scotland! thou land o' cakes! 0 Edinburgh! thou city of learning, thou cluster of palaces, thou city with suburbs in the centre and precincts fit for the residences of princes, thou modern Athens! whose candles seem to emulate the stars in height, if not in lustre!!! Could you not invent any other method of getting your coal out of the mine save on the backs of females!!!! It is a fact that there are women whom they call bearers, whose business it is to carry coal out of the pit.'

He was very enthusiastic about the museum of the College of Surgeons, and the Infirmary, where he witnessed in the presence of Mr. Syme an operation by 'Mr. Ferguson, a young surgeon.

From Edinburgh he proceeded to Glasgow, then to Belfast and Dublin, and then on to London, where he spent two weeks, apparently of great misery, as the weather was atrocious. He shook the mud of England from his feet at Dover, and departed, hoping never to be soiled with it again.

He took a through passage from London to Paris for £ 1, 18s., and he gives an amusing description of the additional payments. He asked the master of the hotel to give him some information regarding French travelling, and got, he says, a regular English account, Johnsonian without his wit. 'They will cheat you at every step; they will rob you; they will poison you with dirt; everything is filthy; you will get no mutton or beef, and nothing but sour wine.' Then he says, 'Though I paid everything in London, I will give you a list of the little extra charges on the road, and in eight out of ten cases paid.' He gives an itemized bill of twenty-eight extra charges in the two days and one night which he spent in the diligence. One of his items was

 


 

6 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

for walking down a ladder, one shilling. He told this fellow to go to hell, and jumped over his ladder. 'To the commissioner of one of the hotels, for seeing that nobody cheated you but himself, six shillings.' 'The commissioner of the diligence, the most useless of all damned rascals, for pestering you and telling lies, one shilling and sixpence.'

He reached Paris and took lodgings in the Place Pantheon. He writes, 'I am now in the very region of Voltaire and Rousseau; and the Pantheon, in which one set of bigots deposited their bodies, from whence another set tore their bones, raises its classic front before my window. I look on it and feel I am not so much of an infidel as when surrounded by Christians.'

He attached himself at once to the clinic of Velpeau at La Charité. On his first day he says he did not understand more than half he said, but he understood his operations. He says there was a gentleman from Mobile, Mr. Jewett, who had been there for three years. Americans were not scarce; there were four or five from New York, two from Baltimore, and several from Boston and Philadelphia. He did not mention their names, but it is pleasant to think he may have attended classes at La Pitié with Bowditch, Holmes, Shattuck, Gerhard, and Stillé. He began dissections at once; subjects were cheap—six francs apiece—and he secured a child on the first day for forty sous.

Some of the lectures were in the evening, at seven o'clock, and he went to hear M. Helmagrande on midwifery. He says, 'The hospitals here are conducted on the most liberal terms; there is nothing to pay but for the private courses, and the fee is small for them. The facilities for the study of midwifery are astonishing; there are plenty of cases always on hand, and this



AN ALABAMA STUDENT 7

I determined to profit by.' In a letter of March 16 he mentions his daily routine: 'I get up in the morning at six o'clock and am at La Charité by seven, follow Velpeau until eight, see him operate and lecture until after nine, breakfast at ten at a cafe. At eleven I am at a school of practical anatomy, where I dissect until two. Then I attend a class of practical surgery until three; then hear Broussais and Andral until five; then dine. At seven I attend Helmagrande's class of midwifery, which lasts until nine; then I come to my room and read or write until eleven, when I retire.'

He was much impressed by the opportunities for dissection. In his letter of July 3 he says:

'There is a dissecting school at Clamart for the summer on a most extensive scale. There is room and material for 200 or upwards, though there are but few there at present; this place was provided for the inscribed students of the school, and they get their subjects for a mere trifle. There is not the least prejudice existing here against dissections; even the subjects do not seem to mind it, though they are aware of their fate, for more than two-thirds of the dead are carried to the l'Ecole Pratique or Clamart. I have private instruction in the use of the stethoscope for heart complaints in La Pitié. The other day an old woman bade me adieu as we passed her bed without calling, and I stopped to ask if she was going out. Then she said she was going to Clamart, and that we might meet again.'

He had evidently occupied his time to good advantage, as early in July he received from Velpeau the appointment of externe at La Charité. He says in his letter of July 10:

'I have a piece of news to communicate that I know will gratify you; at least I feel very much gratified myself. This morning I received the appointment of externe in La Charité under Velpeau. The duties of an


 

8 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

externe require him to be at the hospital at six o'clock, answer to his name, follow the surgeon round a certain number of beds, attend to his prescriptions, and dress the patients. For this service we receive nothing, and for this privilege we pay nothing; you ought to be gratified at this, because it will convince you I have not been wasting my time. I was on the eve of starting for Switzerland, and was only waiting to witness the celebrations on the 27th, 28th, and 29th; but when this offer was made me I did what I have been doing all my life— made another sacrifice for my profession, and determined to remain and take the service. I have not been more gratified since I have been in Europe; it is a real benefit and came unsolicited.'

He was very much impressed by the incessant industry of the French physicians. He says:

'When I look at some of the medical men by whom I am surrounded, it makes me blush for shame; old men daily may be seen mixing their white locks with boys, and pursuing their profession with the ardour of youth. There is not a solitary great man in France that is idle, for if he was, that moment he would be outstripped; it is a race, and there are none so far ahead that they are not pressed by others; many are distanced, it is true, but there are none allowed to walk over the course. Witness Broussais, lecturing and labouring daily to sustain himself after having elevated himself to the pinnacle; Lisfranc, an old bachelor with thousands, who after making his daily visit and leçon for ten months for duty, during the vacation of two months gives from choice a course of operations; and old Rollier may be seen daily supporting himself from bed-post to bed-post as jolly as if he were not far over sixty. Velpeau, from a poor boy without money, time, education, or friends, has by industry made himself one of the first surgeons in Europe.'

In one of his last letters there is this interesting note about Broussais, who had just finished his course on phrenology:

'The pupils of '36 have struck off his head. It is in bronze, a little less than our old Washington and Franklin


 

AN ALABAMA STUDENT 9

in wax. Broussais is a genius, and when he entered life he saw that something was to be done, or rather that he must do something, and he seized the science of medicine as a good old doctor would a bottle of lotion, and shook it manfully; France, Germany, all Europe, parts of Asia, and America have felt the agitation. But younger men also feel the necessity of doing something, and they are now endeavouring to quiet the commotion he has raised, and in France they have measurably succeeded. When the giant dies I doubt if he will find a successor—his conquests, like Alexander's, will be divided and then fall into insignificance. He fights well while in the ring against awful odds, for the truth is against him, but some of her brightest geniuses he has put to rout or silence. Time is now about to enter the field, and I have no doubt will place a splendid monument over him, to prevent him from being forgotten.

'I am glad I know what great men are. I am glad I know of what they are made, and how they made themselves great, though this knowledge has broken the last of my household gods; yet it has taken away the flaming swords that stood before the gates of this Paradise, where may still be seen the track of the serpent and of the devil himself, so I will keep out of bad company.'

Scattered through his long, often closely crossed letters, there are here and there some choice bits which indicate the character of the man. For months he did not hear a word from home; then letters came at long intervals. He apparently had been re-reading some of his wife's letters, in one of which she had been reproaching him for using strong language. He says:

'Isaphaena, you tell me to break myself of swearing, and not to spend my time about different professions of religion; that it will make enemies,&c. Now listen to me while I speak the truth, for on this subject you know that I always do speak what I think is true. I never did swear much, and I have quit it almost entirely, for nobody would understand me, and it would be useless to waste breath when I know I can put it to a better


 

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

use. As to religion, there is not much here of any kind, and I assure you I have not said ten words on the subject since I left, nor do I expect to; and here, where Voltaire, Rousseau, and the whole constellation of mighty-minded men lived and wrote and died, I feel— Isaphaena—not so much an infidel as when at home surrounded by church-going people. Why is this? I have never for a moment doubted the sincerity of my immediate friends, but at home I looked into the evil more closely than the good effects—there I saw ignorance, bigotry, and deceit ever foremost; they were the most prominent, therefore the most likely to be seen. Here I still look on the evil side and find it terrible. God save me from a country without religion, and from a government with it—I know you will say Amen also to the next sentence—and return me safe to a country with religion and a government without it. I am convinced that the evils of infidelity are worse—ay, much worse— than any religion whatever.

'Had I the talents of the above-mentioned men I would not spend it as they did, nor would they, could they see the effect produced. Their object was good—to correct the evils of a corrupt priesthood—but their works were like edged tools given to children. Human nature is not perfect, and their refined and perfected systems of morals will not apply, and if we were perfect we would not need them. I speak the words of truth and soberness.

He evidently was of St. Paul's opinion with reference to the subjection of the wife. He says in one place:

'What if I have spoken cross to you, scolded at you; if it was not my duty it was at least, my privilege, and I expect to have the pleasure of doing it again. Are we not told, if our right hand offends to cut it off, etc.; then surely if our better-half offends we ought to have the liberty of swearing a little.'

His last letter is from Paris, dated October 16, and he speaks in it of his approaching departure.

I have no information as to the date of his return, but his intention was, he states frequently in his letters, to


 

AN ALABAMA STUDENT II

be back by the first of the year, so that after this date he probably resumed practice at Huntsville.

The two papers in Fenner's Southern Medical Reports are the only ones I see credited to him. They are charmingly written and display in every page the wise physician; wise not only with the wisdom of the schools, but with that deeper knowledge of the even-balanced soul who 'saw life steadily and saw it whole.'

The Report in vol. i deals with the topography, climate, and diseases of Madison County. Dr. Fenner states that it was accompanied by a beautiful map drawn by the author, and a large number of valuable statistics.

In an historical sketch of the settlement he thus depicts the early border life:

'The most of those who did not procure homes at that time, belonged to a class who, from taste or compulsion, had separated themselves from the whites, to live on the trail of the Indians; and who, like tigers, and Judases, were not without their use in the mysterious economy of nature. They surpassed the natives in physical force and in genius, and equalled them in ferocity. They had the piratical appetite for gain natural to the English race, which they had cultivated among the whites, and they readily acquired the Indian taste for blood.

'Thus, without any particular standard of morals of their own, and having fallen out with that which restrained their Christian brethren, they found their interest in adopting the ancient one of Moses and of the savages among whom they resided—"An eye for an eye," and "blood for blood".

'These men, like the fabulous Behemoth that lay in the reedy fens of the early world, drinking up the abundant waters and eating down the luxuriant forests, to make way for civilization, have left little more than a vague tradition of their existence and exploits, the latter of which has been so embellished that the former already begins to be doubted.

'Such a race leave but short records of their diseases.


 

12 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

Where bloodshed is always epidemic and every man his own surgeon, the few that recover feel grateful to none, and hang no "votive tablets" on the natural columns of their forests; and when a missionary or a novelist is the only historian, it would puzzle Hippocrates himself to collate the cases; but, as most things, as well as lions, track the earth in some manner as they pass over it, these early squatters have also made their mark.'

The good example of Dr. Thomas Fearn, who in the early days of the regular settlement was the leader of the profession, is well described.

'The influence of this gentleman's reputation upon the profession was favourable to the residence of thoroughbred physicians in the neighbourhood, many of whom he had been directly instrumental in educating; another consequence followed: quackery and empiricism abated. Although quackery is indigenous in the human heart, like thieving and lying, and always will exist, yet it flourishes in the indirect ratio of the science and general qualifications of the regular part of the profession. When regular, and extensively patronised physicians, armed with all requisite diplomas and the experience of years, suffer themselves to grow so dull in diagnosis as to bleed a typhoid patient half an hour before death in the evening, that they had been stimulating through the day; or so far forget, or compromise the dignity of their high calling, as to practise "Mesmerism," or prescribe "Mother's Relief" to a parturient woman, men of smaller pretensions, and more professional pride, or better in formation, should not, and do not wonder at quackery springing up around such, like mushrooms in a spring morning, where a fat cow has lain over night and warmed the soil for their reception.'

Dr. Fearn is credited with the practice of giving enormous doses of quinine in the malarial fevers. Dr. Bassett mentions five or six cases of night blindness caused by these large doses. Very full accounts are given of epidemics of scarlet fever and of small-pox, and a discussion on the cold water treatment of the former


 

AN ALABAMA STUDENT

disease. Dr. Bassett must have had a well-equipped library, and his references to authors both old and new are not only very full, but most appropriate.

'In the spring of 1833 we were visited by the scarlet fever in its most malignant form; during the prevalence of this epidemic more than fifty infants perished in Huntsville, at the only age they are not an annoyance here. I treated nine bad cases, and four terminated fatally; I lost nearly half in almost every instance. An older practitioner was called in, but I am not certain that in their own proper practice the y were more fortunate. In more than one instance there lay more than one dead child in the same house at the same time. I feel certain that this was a most malignant disease; but I do not feel certain that in every case our best physicians remembered the united counsel of Hippocrates and Ovid, that "nothing does good but what may also hurt ", and which should never be lost sight of by the man of medicine.'

The following is an extract from the account of the smallpox epidemic of 1835:

'My treatment was pretty much that laid down by Dr. Meade: bleeding, gentle aperients, cool air, sub-acid drinks, mild anodynes, and vitriolic infusion of barks. Although the purgative part of this treatment embroiled the faculty of the early part of the eighteenth century to such a degree that the like has not been heard since the days of Gui Patin and Antimony— shaking the authority even of the celebrated triumvirate, Mead, Friend and Radcliffe, who, on their part, embalmed one Dr. Woodward in their gall and handed him down to posterity, like a "dried preparation ", as a specimen of the folly of small men who attempt to run against "the throned opinions of the world"—and a proof that "polite literature does not always polish its possessors "—yet we of Huntsville were too willing that our brethren should have our cases, to question each other's practice.'

Dr. Bassett states that among the 30,000 inhabitants of the county, thirty physicians practised who were paid


 

14 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

about $30,000 a year, 'which,' he says, 'is but bread, and scarce at that'; and when we contemplate the 50 lb. calomel and 1,000 ozs. quinine which they swallow, it reminds one of Falstaff's bill of fare: 'But one half-penny worth of bread to this intolerable deal of sack.'

There is a very clever discussion on the question, much debated at that time, of the use of anaesthetics in labour. The following is a good extract:

'It is truly humiliating to science to have to stop and rest upon her course until the dullness of the clergy can frame an excuse for an obvious truth—to see such a man as Dr. Simpson, of Edinburgh, stopping in the midst of his labour, to chop logic by the wayside, like a monk of the fifteenth century, to endeavour to prove a truth at midday, by argument, which he had proven by practice in the morning, and thereby running at ,least a risk of losing by night what he had earned through the day. Let us examine in plain English his new translation of the Hebrew authority for the use of chloroform and see if in getting one dent out of his turtle's egg, he does not put another in.


II

At the head of the article by Dr. Bassett in the second volume of Fenner's Reports stands the quotation, 'Celsus thought it better, in doubtful cases, to try a doubtful remedy, than none at all'1; which he quotes only to condemn in the following vigorous style:

'In giving my individual experience and opinions, I desire to censure none. In such cases the best informed fear the most, and experience but renders us charitable. I will therefore only say that I have been fortunate, in my own practice, in reversing the aphorism

1 'Satius est enim anceps auxilium experiri quam nullum.'

 


AN ALABAMA STUDENT

at the head of this article. That rule of practice has found favour in the eyes of every generation of both doctors and patients, and it is not wonderful that the few able men of every age that have opposed it have warred in vain,—that the science of French expectancy, and the quackery of German homoeopathy, have alike failed; dying men will have pills and parsons.

'When physicians were required, by public opinion, to follow the dictates of Hippocrates, and his immediate successors, as closely as Christians now profess to follow the commandments of Moses and the prophets, they claimed a right to act boldly their faith in these authorities, and public opinion sustained them; and however difficult the task, they found it much easier to understand the written language of Hippocrates than the yet more obscure teachings of Nature, between which and his followers he stood an infallible interpreter, making her mysteries so plain that wayfaring men, though fools, could not err therein. Hippocrates was but our fellow servant, and we are but ministers of Nature; our whole art consists in understanding her language and laws; our whole practice, in obeying her mandates: if we do not understand them, it is either our fault or misfortune; to act as though we did is quackery. Celsus says of this bold practice of old, fere quos ratio non restituit temeritas adiuvat; but shrewdly remarks, that "Physicians of this sort diet other men s patients more happily than their own". I doubt, however, if, in the present state of medicine, a thorough physician is ever, in any stage of any disease, so completely without rational education as to be thus nonplussed, and driven to the necessity of dealing a blow in the dark; where there are no intelligible indications, it is clear there should be no action.

Then, if I have not followed the advice of this master, it has not been lightly laid aside; nor, as I have stated, without precedent; and if I have, in a measure, adopted another of his rules, to make food physic (optimum vero medicamentum est cibus datus), it has not been upon his mere authority. I revere authority, believing with the royal preacher, that "whoso breaketh a hedge, a serpent shall bite"; yet I rejoice that its fetters are broken in medicine—that we no longer are hedged with the eternal cry of "Hippocrates


 

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

and reason". But if, in getting rid of the authority of the Ancients, we have discarded the example of their labour and learning, and turned a deaf ear to their opinions, it is easier to be lamented than corrected. If the unthinking part of the profession of old, that followed authority, and "on the first day of a fever loosened the belly, on the next opened a vein, on the third gave a bolus ", etc., are now represented by those who follow fashion, and give calomel, quinine, and codliver oil every day, we have but changed authority for fashion, and are yet in bondage; but fashion, though indomitable, changes with the wind, and if for a time it carries the small craft, the weak or designing, in its current, it soon leaves them stranded, as landmarks, at which we can at least laugh, without fear of professional martyrdom.'

Rarely has the credo of a zealous physician been more beautifully expressed than in the following words:

'I do not say that the study of nature, human and comparative, as far as it relates to medicine, is an easy task; let any one undertake a foreign language, and when he thinks he has mastered it, let him go into its native country and attempt to use it among the polite and well-informed; if he succeed,, let him go among the illiterate and rude, where slang is current; into the lunatic asylum, where the vernacular is babbled in broken sentences through the mouth of an idiot, and attempt to understand this; should he again succeed he may safely say that he knows that language. Let him then set down and calculate the cost, in labour, time, and talent; then square this amount and go boldly into the study of physiology; and when he has exhausted his programme, he will find himself humbly knocking at the door of the temple, and it will be opened; for diligence, like the vinegar of Hannibal, will make a way through frozen Alps; it is the open sesame of our profession. When he is satisfied with the beautiful proportions of the interior, its vast and varied dimensions, the intricate and astounding action of its machinery, obeying laws of a singular stability, whose very conflict produces harmony under the government of secondary


 

AN ALABAMA STUDENT

laws—if there be anything secondary in nature! — when he is satisfied (and such are not satisfied until informed), he will be led to his ultimate object, to take his last lessons from the poor and suffering, the fevered and phrenzied, from the Jobs and Lazaruses,— into the pesthouses and prisons, and here, in these magazines of misery and contagion, these Babels of disease and sin, he must not only take up his abode, but following the example of his Divine Master, he must love to dwell there ;—this is Pathology.

'When such an one re-enters the world, he is a physician; his vast labours have not only taught him yow little he knows, but that he knows this little well. Conscious of this virtue, he feels no necessity of trumpeting his professional acquirements abroad, but with becoming modesty and true dignity, which constitute genuine professional pride, he leaves this to the good sense of his fellow citizens to discover.'

Dr. Bassett developed tuberculosis, and the last letter in the budget sent to me was dated April 16th, 1851, from Florida, whither he had gone in search of health. He died November 2nd of the same year, aged 46. To a friend he writes on the date of April 5th:

'This world has never occupied a very large share of my attention or love. I have asked but little of it, and got but little of what I asked. It has for many years been growing less and less in my view, like a receding object in space; but no better land has appeared to my longing vision; what lies behind me has become insignificant, before me is a vast interminable void, but not a cheerless one, as it is full of pleasant dreams and visions and glorious hopes. I have covered it with the landscapes of Claude, and peopled it with the martyrs of science, the pioneers of truth, the hound-hunted and crucified of this world, that have earned and then asked for bread and received a serpent — all who have suffered for the truth. How glorious it is to contemplate in the future these time-buffeted at rest, with their lacerated feelings soothed as mine have been this day by the tender regard your wife has manifested for my future well-being.'

OSLER C


 

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

The saddest lament in Oliver Wendell Holmes's poems is for the voiceless,

for those who never sing,
But die with all their music in them.

The extracts which I have read show Dr. Bassett to have been a man of more than ordinary gifts, but he was among the voiceless of the profession. Nowadays environment, the opportunity for work, the skirts of happy chance carry men to the summit. To those restless spirits who have had ambition without opportunities, and ideals not realizable in the world in which they move, the story of his life may be a solace. I began by saying that I would tell you of a man of whom you had never heard, of a humble student from a little town in Alabama. What of the men whom he revered, and for whom in 1836 he left wife and children? Are they better known to us? To-day scarcely one of those whom he mentions touches us with any firmness from the past. Of a majority of them it may be said, they are as though they had not been. Velpeau, Andral, Broussais, the great teachers whom Bassett followed, are shadowy forms (almost as indistinct as the pupil), dragged out to the daylight by some laudator temporis acti, who would learn philosophy in history. To have striven, to have made an effort, to have been true to certain ideals—this alone is worth the struggle. Now and again in a generation, one or two snatch something from dull oblivion; but for the rest of us, sixty years— we, too, are with Bassett and his teachers, and

 

            No one asks
Who or what we have been,
More than he asks what waves,
In the moonlit solitudes mild
Of the midmost ocean, have swelled,
Foam'd for a moment, and gone.

 

 

  19

THOMAS DOVER

PHYSICIAN AND BUCCANEER'

 

As Sir Thomas Browne remarks in the Hydriotaphia:

'The iniquity of oblivion blindly scattereth her poppy, and deals with the memory of men without distinction to merit of perpetuity.' Thus it happens that Thomas Dover, the Doctor, has drifted into our modern life on a powder label (to which way of entering the company of posterity, though sanctified by Mithridates, many would prefer oblivion, even to continuous immortality on a powder so potent and palatable as the Pulvis Ipecacuanhae compositus); while Thomas Dover, the Buccaneer, third in command, one of the principal owners, and president of the Council of the Duke and Duchess —privateers of the ancient and honourable city of Bristol—discoverer of Alexander Selkirk (the original Robinson Crusoe), in spite of more enduring claims on our gratitude, has been forgotten.

Of the facts of Dover's life very little is known. Munk (Roll of the Royal College of Physicians, vol. ii) states that he was born in Warwickshire about 1666, that he was a Bachelor of Medicine of Cambridge, on the authority of the author of the Athenae Cantabrigienses, but that his name does not occur on the roll of the graduates. After taking his degree he settled in Bristol,

1 Read at the Johns Hopkins Hospital Historical Club, January, 1895. Reprinted from the Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, No. 58, January, 1896.

 

C2


20 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

and having made money, joined with some merchants in a privateering expedition. 'On Dover's return to England he resumed practice at Bristol, and from the number of patients he says he visited each day during an epidemic of the fever, he must have obtained the confidence of the inhabitants of that city.' In 1721 he settled in London, and was admitted a Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians. He resided in Cecil Street, Strand, but in the latter part of 1728 he removed to Gloucestershire, where he lived for four or five years; finally he settled in London, at first in Lombard Street, and afterwards in Arundel Street, Strand, where he died probably in the latter part of 1741 or the beginning of 1742. Essentially the same details are given by Dr. Norman Moore in the Dictionary of National Biography.

In his work, The Ancient Physician's Legacy, he often speaks with veneration of Sydenham as his Master; and in his description of the smallpox he says, 'whilst I lived with Dr. Sydenham,' so that he was probably a house pupil of the great physician, who was at the height of his fame at the very time we may suppose Dover to have been a student of medicine. On the title-page of the first edition of the Legacy, 1732, he speaks of forty-nine years of practice, so that he probably took his degree in 1683. Apparently he never proceeded to a doctor's degree, since he speaks of himself as a 'poor Bachelor of physic'. On the titlepage of the first edition, however, the letters M.D. occur after his name.

We know really nothing of Dover's life until he appears as one of the promoters of a privateering expedition to the South Seas in 1708. In this he was associated with a group of Bristol merchants, among


 

THOMAS DOVER 21

whom were Alderman Bachelor and Sir John Hawkins. Two ships, the Duke and the Duchess, were fitted out with great care. Dover went as third in command, being styled Captain Dover, and as owner of a very considerable share of both vessels he was president of the Council, and had a double voice in the deliberations. The days of the buccaneers were almost numbered, but there was in Bristol at this time one of the last and one of the most famous of the old South Sea captains, William Dampier, a man who knew more of the Spanish Main and of the Pacific than any one living. He had returned recently from a disastrous voyage, and agreed to accompany Captain Woodes Rogers as pilot of the expedition. In October, 1708, the ships

... sailed against the Spaniard with his hoard of plate and gold,

Which he wrung with cruel torture from the Indian folk of old —

in which words Charles Kingsley well expresses the feelings which animated these highwaymen of the sea. The narrative of the voyage is told by Captain Woodes Rogers in A Cruising Voyage Round the World, 1708— 1711, London, 1712.

The expedition was rendered memorable by the discovery of Robinson Crusoe', which is thus told in the words of Captain Rogers:

'We arrived at the Island of Juan Fernandez on the first of February, 1710, and having a good observation the day before when we found our latitude 340 10 S [unable to render correct degree signs]. In the afternoon we hoisted out our pinnance, in which Captain Dover set off to go on shore, though not less than four leagues from the ship. As it grew dark we observed a light on shore, which some were of the opinion was from our boat, but it was evidently too large for that, and we hung up a light to direct our

 


22 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

boat, firing our quarter gun, and showing lights in our mizen and fore shrouds, that our boat might find us, as we had fallen to leeward of the island. Our boat came aboard again about two in the morning, having turned back on seeing the light ashore when within a league, and we were glad they had got off so well, as it now began to blow. We were all convinced that the light which we had seen was from the shore, and therefore prepared our ships for an engagement, supposing it might proceed from some French ships at anchor, which we must either fight or want water. All this stir and apprehension, as we afterwards found, arose from one poor man, who passed in our imagination for a Spanish garrison, a body of Frenchmen, or a crew of pirates, and it is incredible what strange notions some of our people entertained about this light; yet it served to show their tempers and spirits, and enabled us to guess how our men would behave in case there really were enemies in the island.

'While under these apprehensions we stood to the back of the island in order to fall in with the southerly wind till we were past the island; then we stood back for it again, and ran close aboard the land that begins to form its NE. side. The flaws came heavily off the land, and we were forced to reef our top-sails when we opened the middle bay, where we expected to find our enemy, but all was clear and no ships either there or in the other bay near the NE. end. These are the only bays in which ships can ride that come here for refreshments, the middle one being the best. We now conjectured that there had been ships here, but that they had gone away on seeing us.

'About noon of the 2nd of February we sent our yawl on shore, in which was Captain Dover, Mr. Fry, and six men, all armed; and in the meantime we and the Duchess kept turning in, and such heavy squalls came off the land that we had to let fly our top-sail sheets, keeping all hands to stand by our sails, lest the winds should blow them away. These flaws proceed from the land, which is very high in the middle of the island; but when they passed by we had little or no wind. As our yawl did not return, we sent the pinnance well armed to see what had occasioned the yawl to stay, being afraid there might be a Spanish garrison on the island, who


 

THOMAS DOVER 23

might have seized her and our men. Even the pinnance delayed returning, on which we put up the signal for her to come back, when she soon came off with abundance of crayfish, bringing also a man clothed in goat skins, who seemed wilder than the original owners of his apparel. His name was Alexander Selkirk, a Scotsman, who had been left here by Captain Stradling of the Cinque-Ports, and had lived alone on the island for four years and four months. Captain Dampier 1 told me he had been Master of the Cinque-Ports, and was the best man in that vessel; so I immediately agreed with him to serve as a mate on the Duke. During his stay he had seen several ships pass by, but only two came to anchor at the island, which he found to be Spanish, and therefore retired from them, on which they fired at him, but he escaped into the woods. Had they been French he would have surrendered to them; but chose rather to run the risk of dying alone on the island than fall into the hands of the Spaniards, as he suspected they would either put him to death, or make him a slave in their mines. The Spaniards had landed before he knew what they were, and came so near him that he had much ado to escape; for they not only shot at him, but pursued him into the woods, where he climbed up a tree, at the foot of which some of them made water and killed several goats, yet went away without discovering him.

'He told us he was born in Largo, in the county of Fife, Scotland, and was bred a sailor from his youth. The reason of his being left there was a difference with Captain Stradling, which, together with the ship being leaky, made him at first rather willing to stay here than to continue in the ship; and when at last he was inclined to have gone, the captain would not receive him, lie had been at the island before to wood and water, when two of the men were left upon it for six months, the ship being chased a way by two French South Sea ships; but the Cinque-Ports returned and took them off, at which time he was left. He had with

1 Selkirk had been sailing-master under Captain Dampier in his expedition which left in May, 1703, and had been put ashore on the island at his own request. Dampier's expedition was unsuccessful, and 'the merchants were so sensible of his want of conduct, that they resolved never to trust him any more with a command'.

 


 

24 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

him his clothes and bedding, with a firelock and some powder and bullets, some tobacco, a knife, a kettle, a bible, with some other books, and his mathematical instruments. He diverted himself and provided for his sustenance as well as he could; but had much ado to bear up against melancholy for the first eight months, and was sore distressed at being left alone in such a desolate place. He built himself two huts of pimento trees, thatched with long grass and lined with goat~ skins, killing goats as he needed them with his gun so long as his powder lasted, which was only about a pound at first. When all this was spent he procured fire by rubbing two sticks of pimento wood together. He slept in his larger hut and cooked his victuals in the smaller, which was at some distance, and employed himself in reading, praying, and singing psalms, so that he said he was a better Christian during his solitude than he ever had been before, and than, as he was afraid, he would ever be again.

'At first he never ate but when restrained by hunger, partly from grief, and partly for want of bread and salt. N either did he then go to bed till he could watch no longer, the pimento wood serving him both for fire and candle, as it burned very clear and refreshed him by its fragrant smell. He might have had fish enough, but would not eat them for want of salt, as they occasioned a looseness; except crayfish, which are as large as lobsters and are very good. These he sometimes boiled, and at other times broiled, as he did his goat's flesh, of which he made good broth, for they are not so rank as our goats. Having kept an account, he said he had killed 500 goats while on the island, besides having caught as many more, which he marked on the ear and let them go. When his powder failed he ran down the goats by speed of foot for his mode of living with continual exercise of walking and running cleared him of all gross humours, so that he could run with wonderful swiftness through the woods and up the hills and rocks, as we experienced in catching goats for us. We had a bull-dog which we sent along with several of our nimblest runners to help in catching the goats, but he outstripped our dog and men, caught the goats, and brought them to us on his back. On one occasion his agility in pursuing a goat nearly cost him


THOMAS DOVER 25

his life; as while pursuing it with great eagerness he caught hold of it on the brink of a precipice, of which he was not aware, being concealed by bushes, so that he fell with the goat down the precipice to a great depth, and was so bruised and stunned by the fall that he lay senseless, as he supposed, for twenty-four hours, and when he recovered his senses found the goat dead under him. He was then scarcely able to crawl to his hut about a mile distant, and could not stir out again for ten days.

'He came at length to relish his meat well enough without bread and salt. In the proper season he had plenty of good turnips, which had been sowed there by Captain Dampier's men, and had now spread over several acres of ground. He had also abundance of cabbage from the cabbage-palms, and seasoned his food with the fruit of the pimento, which is the same with Jamaica pepper, and has a fine flavour. He found also a species of black pepper called malageta, which was good for expelling wind and curing gripes.

'He soon wore out his shoes and other clothes by running in the woods, and being forced to shift without them, his feet became so hard that he ran about everywhere without inconvenience, and it was some time after he came to us before he could wear shoes, as his feet swelled when he first began to wear them.

'After he had got better of his melancholy he sometimes amused himself with carving his name on the trees, together with the date of his being there, and the time of his solitary residence.

'At first he was much distressed with cats and rats, which had bred there in great numbers from some of each species which had got on shore from ships that had wooded and watered at the island. The rats gnawed his feet and clothes when he was asleep, which obliged him to cherish the cats by feeding them with goat's flesh, so that many of them became so tame that they used to lie beside him in hundreds, and soon delivered him from the rats. He also tamed some kids, and for his diversion would at times sing and dance with them and his cats; so that by the favour of Providence and the vigour of his youth—for he was now only thirty years of age—he came at length to conquer all the inconveniences of his solitude and to be quite easy in his mind.


26 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

'When his clothes were worn out he made himself a coat and a cap of goat skin, which he stitched together with thongs of the same, cut out with his knife.'

Subsequently the expedition sacked the two cities of Guaiaquil, in the assault on which Dover led the van. They took several prizes and cruised about the coast from Peru to California waiting for treasure ships. Of one of the largest prizes, which they named the Bachelor, after the Bristol Alderman doubtless, Dover took command as chief captain. They then sailed across the Pacific to Batavia, where they refitted, and in October, 1710, sailed for England, which was reached in 1711.

Captain Thomas Dover returned from the South Seas a wealthy man; the expedition had been unusually successful, having realized the enormous sum of, £170,000 . To Dover, who is stated to have been the owner of a very considerable part of both ships, fell a considerable share of the spoils. Alexander Selkirk as mate received £800 prize-money.

Harris (Voyages, &c.) makes the following comments on the voyage: 'It has been universally allowed by such as are proper judges of such expeditions that there never was any voyage of this nature so happily adjusted, so well provided in all respects, or in which the accidents that usually happen in Privateers were so effectually guarded against.' This he attributes to the abilities of the gentlemen of Bristol, and remarks that it was owing to this expedition that the spirit of privateering in the South Seas was not totally lost in England. The large sums realized had evidently made an enduring impression, and Harris adds, 'I might, perhaps, go too far should I assert that this voyage gave rise to the South Sea Company, but this much I can safely say, that the success of this voyage was what the patrons of


THOMAS DOVER 27

that Company chiefly insisted upon in their defence, when the plan of it was attacked as insufficient and chimerical.'

In 1712 Dover must have been fifty years of age, and quite ready to enjoy a period of leisure. Where he settled or what he did we do not know, but it is certain that three years such as he had spent at sea were no preparation for practice. Possibly he travelled, and in the introduction to The Ancient Physician's Legacy he scoffs at the doctors who have travelled 'far at home'; 'Let them take a trip to Hungary and see the mines,' speaking, and describing scenes, as though he had been there himself. He refers not infrequently to his wide knowledge of the globe, and in one place says, 'if travelling be necessary to make an accomplished physician, I am very sure that I have travelled more than all the physicians of Great Britain put together.'

In 1721, as mentioned by Munk, he was admitted Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians, a qualification which enabled a man at that time to practise in and six miles round Westminster. It is doubtful how long he remained at this time in London; at any rate he states (A. P. L.) that he lived in Gloucestershire in the years 1728 and 1729. None of the cases which he mentions in his books are of this period. His permanent settlement dates from about 1731. In a 1733 edition of the A. P. L., in replying to certain strictures on the use of quicksilver, he says, 'I challenge you to show when I have lost three patients for the past five years, when I was first called either in acute or chronic cases (though I have settled in town about eighteen months).' At this time Dover was well on in years, about or above seventy, a late age at which to begin practice in London.

To abet his laudable endeavours he resorted to the


28 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

time-honoured plan of writing a book. Of the popular or semi-popular treatises on medical subjects so common in those days, a few were by very able men. George Cheyne's Essay on Health and Long Life forms an exception to Latham's sweeping criticism on books of this class (quoted by W. A. Greenhill), 'They are all bad, and many dishonest.' A favourite plan was to write a treatise on some mineral water, lauding the virtues of a particular spa. Smollett, who knew so well the trials, vexations, and disappointments incident to beginning medical life in London, has sketched in strong lines the condition of the profession in the fourth and fifth decades of the century. He, too, had made an unsuccessful attempt to introduce himself in an Essay on the External Use of Cold Water, &c. Dr. L—n with his 'hotch-potch of erudition and extravagance', and the pedantic doctor in Peregrine Pickle, in whom he satirized the learned Dr. Akenside, were well-known types; while in Dr. Fathom the 'mystery' of the sons of Paean, as he terms them, is mercilessly exposed. Among the 'means used to force a trade1" Smollett mentions 'the insertion of cures by way of news in the daily papers', the erection of a 'hospital, lock, or infirmary, by the voluntary subscription of his friends; a scheme which had succeeded to a miracle with many of the profession, who had raised themselves into notice on the carcasses of the poor'. To understand Dover's relations with the apothecaries (to which subsequent reference will be made) the reader must know that they were the general practitioners of that day, and dispensed their own medicines, but in serious cases always called in a

1This seems to have been a stock phrase; Cheyne uses it in his English Malady, in an autobiographical note.


THOMAS DOVER 29

physician or a surgeon. Smollett's account of the practice 'parcelled out into small enclosures, occupied by different groups of personages', who tossed the ball [the patient] from one to another, would almost fit modern usage, in which a patient is sometimes tossed in a circle from specialist to specialist, until he returns with an inventory of his local woes to the consultant from whom he started. In Smollett's days the patient had to be content with three, except in the cases requiring a midwife. 'The apothecary being summoned, finds her ladyship in such a delicate situation that he declines prescribing, and advises her to send for a physician without delay. The nomination of course falls to him, and the doctor being called, declares the necessity of immediate venesection, which is accordingly performed by the surgeon of the association.'

While meriting the general criticism of Latham, the work with which Dover trusted to reach practice had many important qualifications for success. It appealed directly to the public in a taking way, not only in the main title, The Ancient Physician's Legacy to His Country, being what he has collected himself in Forty-nine Years of Practice, but in asserting that the diseases incident to mankind are described in so plain a manner 'that any person may know the nature of his own diseases; together with the several Remedies for each Distemper faithfully set down'. It is expressly issued as a popular work on medicine, Designed for the Use of all Private Families.

The author's name is given, Thomas Dover, M.D., and the work was printed for the author and sold by A. Bellesworth and C. Hitch in Pater-Noster Row, &c. (giving the names of two other booksellers), 1732. Price, stitched, Five Shillings.


30 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

This is the title-page, date, &c., of the first edition, a copy of which is in the British Museum. In the Dictionary of National Biography the date of the first edition is given as 1733. The mistake is due to the fact that in this year appeared an edition of the Legacy not stated on the title-page to be a second edition. This is the earliest copy in the Library of the Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society, and in the Radcliffe Library. The name is spelt Dovar, and the title-page is different. Forty-nine years of practice are still claimed (not fifty), and it is stated that 'the extraordinary effects of mercury are more particularly considered'. After the author's name, Thomas Dovar, M.D., are the words, 'with remarks on the whole by a learned physician.' There is also a translation of a treatise on mercury 'by the learned Belloste'. It was printed for the relict of the late R. Bradley, F.R.S. The second and third editions I have not seen; this was probably one of them. The fourth and fifth editions also appeared in '733; the sixth in 1742; the seventh in 1762, and the eighth, the last so far as I know, in 1771.

The Ancient Physician's Legacy, in the language of one of Dover's correspondents, 'made a great noise in London, and was the subject of almost every Coffeehouse.'

It contains a description in plain language of about forty-two disorders, illustrated by cases, the majority of which are in some way made to attest the author's skill. The later editions abound in letters from grateful patients, extolling his virtues. The pictures of disease are scarcely such as might have been expected from a pupil of Sydenham. The account of consumption or 'phtisis', as he spells it, is very meagre, being as it is from the hand of a contemporary, possibly a friend, of


THOMAS DOVER 31

the author of the Phthisiologia. There are evidences throughout that the book was written 'for revenue purposes only', and the spirit of the buccaneer was not dead in the old man, as no occasion is missed either to blow his own trumpet, or to tilt a lance at his colleagues. 'Let me but come to People as early in this Distemper (dropsy) as they generally apply for relief from other Physicians, and it shall be cured,' &c.

On page 8, in the section on gout, is given the formula of his famous powder. 'Take Opium one ounce, Salt-Petre and Tartar vitriolated each four ounces, Ipocacuana one ounce. Put the Salt-Petre and Tartar into a red hot mortar, stirring them with a spoon until they have done flaming. Then powder them very fine; after that slice in your opium, grind them to a powder, and then mix the other powders with these. Dose from forty to sixty or seventy grains in a glass of white wine Posset going to bed; covering up warm and drinking a quart or three pints of the Posset—Drink while sweating.' The same formula is repeated in all the editions. He says that some apothecaries have desired their patients to make their wills and settle their affairs before they venture upon so large a dose as from forty to seventy grains. 'As monstrous as they may represent this, I can produce undeniable proofs where a patient of mine has taken no less a quantity than an hundred grains, and yet has appeared abroad the next day.'

In the treatment of fevers he follows the practice of the 'good Dr. Sydenham', for whose memory he professes 'the greatest veneration'. 'In this Distemper as in all other Fevers, I prescribe the cool Regimen, which must be followed in case Mankind prefer Life to Death; Ease to Pain; a short Fit of Illness to a long and tedious one; a good to a broken and shattered


32 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

constitution, laying aside Blisters and all heating and poisonous Powders.' In another place he says, 'I would have cold bathing grow as universal as inoculation. He waxes furious against the 'Unhuman Method of Blistering', and invokes the authority of Radcliffe and 'the honest Dr. Sydenham' against it. When living with Dr. Sydenham, Dover had small-pox. In the beginning he lost twenty-two ounces of blood and had a vomit. He went abroad until he was blind, and then took to bed. 'I had no fire allowed in my room, my windows were constantly open, my bed-clothes were ordered to be laid no higher than my waist. He made me take twelve bottles of small beer acidulated with spirit of vitriol every twenty-four hours.' The experiences of his travels are referred to frequently, and he mentions Asia, the East and West Indies, and Hungary, in connexion with special points in practice. There is an account of the plague among the sailors of the Duke and Duchess, 'when I took by storm the two cities of Guaiaquil, under the line, in the South Seas.'

The 'Ancient Physician's' chief legacy to his country was quicksilver, which was his specific in almost every disease, and the use of which is vaunted in a most forcible manner in letters from patients. He ordered an ounce or an ounce and a quarter of crude mercury daily, believing that it freed the patient from all vermicular diseases, opened all obstructions, and made a pure balsam of the blood. A Captain Harry Coit, who had lived by the doctor's direction 'on Asses milk, Syrup of Snails and such stuff', took for his cough and shortness of breath an ounce a day, and took altogether an hundred and twenty pounds' weight. Dover says that he was called in derision, The Quicksilver Doctor. The Legacy stirred up an active pamphlet war, and for


THOMAS DOVER 33

twenty years or more the merits of crude mercury were much discussed.

If Dover's object in writing the work was to gain publicity, he could not have taken a better way than in his sharp comments on the physicians and apothecaries. The latter he assaults in terms which must have tickled the frequenters of the coffee-houses, among whom we are told the book made such a noise. 'I never affronted any apothecary, unless in ordering too little Physic; and curing a patient too soon, is, in their Way of Thinking, an unpardonable Crime. I must confess, I never could bring an Apothecary's Bill to three pounds in a fever; whereas I have known some of their bills in this disease amount to forty, fifty, and sixty Pounds. If they can't cure with less charges, I can't forbear saying, That I have the same opinion of their Integrity as I have of their Understanding.' The doctrine of the apothecary was that, ' 'Tis your Writing-Physician only who has a Title to a Fee.' Dover takes strong and most reasonable ground against the constant varying of prescriptions when there is no occasion for it. The hostility of the apothecaries to him, according to his own account, arose from his being 'always inviolably attached to the Interest and Welfare of my patient and entirely regardless of these Gentlemen's unwarrantable Gains'. These attacks did not pass unnoticed, and in 1733 H. Bradley, Surgeon, criticizes The Ancient Physician's Legacy, and makes some 'animadversions on his scurrillous Treatment of the Professors of Physic in general; with a word or two on the uselessness of his Legacy to all Private Families'.

Daniel Turner, 'of the College of Physicians,' who in the same year impartially surveys The Ancient

OSLER D


 

34 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

Physician's Legacy, refers to the Guaiaquil incident in the following terms: 'I think the Doctor had much better have left out his Bravado of having taken two cities by storm, unless he thinks it an honour to a Physician to kill and slay, and after to plunder the Innocent, those who never wronged him, and to carry off the spoil; a good prelude, this, to the blood shed after among his own men.' (Dover had had them bled copiously for the plague.) Turner hints that Dr. Dr's quicksilver did not a little to hasten the end of the celebrated tragedian, Barton Booth, to whom he had given, between May 3 and 8, within two ounces of two pounds of mercury.

Like his master, Dover's only affiliation with the Royal College of Physicians was through the minimum qualification of the licence. Sydenham and Morton, the two most distinguished English clinical physicians of the seventeenth century, were regarded as innovators and 'sectaries' by the heads of the College, who, as Sydenham remarks, took fire at his attempts to reduce practice to greater easiness and plainness. The coolness and moderation of the Master were not imitated by the 'Ancient Physician', who in the sixth edition attacks the gentlemen of the faculty, and warns unwary people 'not to take every Graduate for a Physician, nor a clan of prejudiced Gentlemen for Oracles'. He added to his Legacy the Statuta Moralia, or as he terms it on the title-page, 'the moral conversation of the College of Physic, in Latin and English, by way of Appendix, together with a Digression.' Dover affirms boldly that the whole purport of the 'Conversation' is to conceal their ignorance and to deceive their miserable patients, but he avers his desire is 'more to do justice to Mankind than to irritate and


THOMAS DOVER 35

provoke a Set of Gentlemen who, like moles, work under ground, lest their Practices should be discovered to the Populace.' He again refers to the relations of the apothecaries with the physicians in the following terms:

'The Apothecaries, generally speaking, have it in their Power to recommend the Physician, which is the wrongest Step the Patient can possibly take: The Physician, to gratify the Apothecary, th inks himself obliged to order ten times more Physic than the Patient really wants, by which means he often ruins his Constitution, and too often his Life; otherwise how is it possible an Apothecary's Bill in a Fever, should amount to Forty or Fifty, or more Pounds? Nay, I have been creditably inform'd that several of those Apothecaries have declared they would never call in a Physician, but what should put in Fifteen or Twenty Shilling a Day into their Pockets: What must the Conscience of such Physicians be, that would forfeit their reputation and every thing that is dear to them, by cheating for others? I would venture to say, Neither Sydenham's nor Radcliff's Bills did ever amount to forty Shillings in a Fever, and yet they recover'd their Patients without the Rule, at present prescribed, of Vomiting, Bleeding, and multiplying Blisters in all Cases whatsoever; so since this is to be their Rule of Practice, they are very indifferent in their Enquiries what the Patient's Disease is.'

Dover continued to practise in London, and in the seventh edition of The Ancient Physician's Legacy there is a letter to him from Catherine Hood, dated November 6, 1738, in which she speaks of having consulted him in 1737.

His reputation seems to have extended to the Continent, for in the Opera Omnia of Ballonius, edited by Professor Tronchin, of Geneva, 1762, there is a most laudatory dedication, in which he is extolled as one of the most distinguished physicians of the time.

D2


36 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

In 1742 appeared the sixth edition of the Legacy, which must have been issued by the author, as he speaks on the title-page of fifty-eight years of practice. He is stated by Munk to have died in 1741 or 1742, probably the latter, but his name does not appear in the register of deaths in the Gentleman's Magazine in either of those years.

Doubtless the old buccaneer, described as 'a man of rough temper, who could not easily agree with those about him', was a striking figure as he passed along the Strand to the Jerusalem Coffee House, where he saw his patients. A good fighter, a good hater, as alas! so many physicians have been, his weaknesses and evil behaviour we may forget, but Captain Thomas Dover, who, on the 2nd of February, 1710, found 'Robinson Crusoe', the world should not forget; and we also of his craft have cause daily to remember with gratitude the student and friend of the great Sydenham, who had the wit, in devising a powder, to remember his master's injunction: Sine papaveribus, sine opiatis et medicamentis ex ii confectis, manca et clauda esset medicina.

37

 


JOHN KEATS

THE APOTHECARY POET 1

We have the very highest authority for the statement that 'the lunatic, the lover, and the poet, are of imagination all compact'. In a more comprehensive division, with a keener discernment, Plato recognizes a madness which is not an evil, but a divine gift, and the source of the chiefest blessings granted to men. Of this divine madness poetry occupies one of the fourfold partitions. Here is his definition: 'The third kind is the madness of those who are possessed by the Muses; which, taking hold of a delicate and virgin soul, and there inspiring frenzy, awakens lyrical and all other numbers; with these adorning the myriad actions of ancient heroes for the instruction of posterity. But he who, having no touch of the Muses' madness in his soul, comes to the door and thinks that he will get into the temple by the help of art—he, I say, and his poetry are not admitted; the sane man disappears and is nowhere when he enters into rivalry with the madman.'

Here, in a few words, we have expressed the very pith and marrow of the nature of poetry, and a clearer distinction than is drawn by many modern writers of the relation of the art to the spirit, of the form to the thought. By the help of art, without the Muses' mad

1 Read at the Johns Hopkins Historical Club, October 29, 1895.Reprinted from the Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, No. 58, January, 1896.


 

38 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

ness, no man enters the temple. The poet is a 'light and winged and holy thing', whose inspiration, genius, faculty, whatever we may choose to call it, is allied to madness—he is possessed or inspired. Oliver Wendell Holmes has expressed this very charmingly in more modern terms, speaking of his own condition when composing the Chambered Nautilus. 'In writing the poem I was filled with a better feeling, the highest state of mental exaltation and the most crystalline clairvoyance that had ever been granted to me—I mean that lucid vision of one's thought and all forms ot expression which will be at once precise and musical, which is the poet's special gift, however large or small in amount or value.1 To the base mechanical of the working-day world, this lucid vision, this crystalline clairvoyance and mental exaltation is indeed a madness working in the brain, a state which he cannot understand, a Holy of Holies into which he cannot enter.

I

When all the circumstances are taken into account, the English Parnassus affords no parallel to the career of Keats—Adonais, as we love to call him—whose birthday, one hundred years ago, we celebrate to-day.

Born at the sign of the 'Swan and Hoop', Moorgate Pavement, the son of the head ostler, his parentage and the social atmosphere of his early years conspired to produce an ordinary beer-loving, pugnacious cockney; but instead there was fashioned one of the clearest, sweetest, and strongest singers of the century, whose advent sets at naught all laws of heredity, as his development transcends all laws of environment.

1 In a private letter which is published in a notice of Dr. Holmes, Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, October, 1894.


JOHN KEATS 39

Keats's father succeeded to 'Mine Host of the Swan and Hoop', but died when the poet was only eight years old. His grandmother was in comfortable circumstances, and Keats was sent to a school at Enfield, kept by the father of Charles Cowden Clarke. Here among other accomplishments he developed his knuckles, and received a second-hand introduction to the Greek Pantheon. He is described by one of his schoolfellows as 'the pet prize-fighter with terrier courage', but in the last two years at school he studied hard and took all the prizes. The influence of the Clarkes upon Keats was strong and formative, particularly that of the younger one, Charles Cowden, who was an usher in the school. In the poem addressed to him he frankly acknowledges this great debt, 'you first taught me all the sweets of song.'

In 1810 his mother died of consumption, and during a long illness Keats nursed her with incessant devotion.

On the completion of his fifteenth year he was removed from school and apprenticed to Mr. Hammond, a surgeon at Edmonton. The terms of the old indenture as surgeon's apprentice are quaint enough. I have one of my uncle, Edward Osler, dated 1811. The surgeon, for a consideration of £40, without board, undertook the care and education for five years of the apprentices, of whom there were often four or five. The number of specific negatives in the ordinary indenture indicates the rough and ready character of the Tom Sawyers of that date. The young apprentice promised not 'to haunt taverns or playhouses, not to play at dice or cards, nor absent himself from his said master's service day or night unlawfully, but in all things as a faithful apprentice he shall behave himself


40 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

towards his said master and all his during the said term.

We know but little of the days of Keats's apprenticeship. A brother student said, 'he was an idle, loafing fellow, always writing poetry.' In 1814, in the fourth year of his indenture, the pupil and master had a serious quarrel, and the contract was broken by mutual consent. It would appear from the following sentence in a letter to his brother, that more than words passed between them: 'I daresay you have altered also—every man does—our bodies every seven years are completely fresh material'd. Seven years ago it was not this hand that clinch'd itself against Hammond.' 1

At the end of the apprenticeship the student 'walked' one of the hospitals for a time before presenting himself at the College of Surgeons or the Apothecary's Hall. Keats went to the, at that time, United Hospitals of Guy's and St. Thomas, where he studied during the sessions of 1814 — 15 and 1815 — 16. He became a dresser at Guy's in the latter year under Mr. Lucas, and on July 25, 1816, he passed the Apothecary's Hall. The details of Keats's life as a medical student are very scanty. In after years one or two of his fellow students placed on record their impressions of him. He does not seem to have been a very brilliant student. Poetry rather than surgery was followed as a vocation; one of his fellow students says, 'all other pursuits were to his mind mean and tame.' Yet he acquired some degree of technical skill, and performed with credit the minor operations which fell to the hand of a dresser. He must have been a fairly diligent student to have obtained even the minimum qualifications of the 'Hall' before

1 The extracts are taken from the edition of the Letters by Mr. Buxton Forman. Reeves and Turner, London, 1895.


JOHN KEATS 41

the completion of his twenty-first year. In the Biographical History of Guy's Hospital Dr. Wilks states that Sir Astley Cooper took a special interest in Keats.

What attraction could the career of an apothecary offer to a man already much 'travelled in the realms of gold', who was capable at twenty of writing such a sonnet as that on Chapman's Homer? So far as we know he never practised or made any effort to get established; and in 1817 he abandoned the profession, apparently not without opposition. In a letter to his friend Brown, dated September 23, 1819, he says, 'In no period of my life have I acted with any self-will but in throwing up the apothecary profession.'

During the next four years he led, to use his own words, 'a fitful life, here and there, no anchor.' While a student he had made friends in a literary circle, of which Leigh Hunt and Haydon, the artist, were members, and he had a number of intimates—Brown, Taylor, Bailey, Dilke, and others—among the coming men in art and science. From his letters to them, to his brother George (who had emigrated with his wife to America), and to his sister Fanny, we glean glimpses of his life at this period. His correspondence reveals, too, so far as it can, the man as he was, his aspirations, thoughts, and hopes.

 

II

The spirit of negative capability dominated these years— the capability, as he expresses it, 'of being in uncertainties, mysteries, doubts, without any irritable searching after fact and reason.' The native hue of any resolution which he may have entertained—and we shall learn that he had such—was soon sicklied o'er, and he lapsed


42 BlOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

into idleness so far as any remunerative work was concerned. A practical woman like Mrs. Abbey, the wife of the trustee of his mother's estate, condoned his conduct with the words 'the Keatses were ever indolent, that they would ever be so, and that it was born in them'. In a letter to his brother he uses the right word. Here is his confession:

'This morning I am in a sort of temper, indolent and supremely careless—I long after a stanza or two of Thomson's Castle of Indolence my passions are all asleep from my having slumbered till nearly eleven and weakened the animal fibre all over me to a delightful sensation about three degrees this side of faintness. If I had teeth of pearl and the breath of lilies, I should call it languor; but as I am, especially as I have a black-eye, I must call it laziness. . . . This is the only happiness and is a rare instance of the advantage of the body overpowering the mind.'

The gospel of 'living' as against that of 'doing', which Milton preached in the celebrated sonnet on his blindness, found in Keats a warm advocate. 'Let us not, therefore,' he says, 'go hurrying about and collecting honey, bee-like buzzing here and there for a knowledge of what is not to be arrived at, but let us open our leaves like a flower, and be passive and receptive, budding patiently under the eye of Apollo, and taking truths from every noble insect that favours us with a visit.' Fatal to encourage in an active man of affairs, this dreamy state, this passive existence, favours in 'bards of passion and of mirth' the development of a fruitful mental attitude. The dreamer spins from his 'own inwards his own airy citadel'; and as the spider needs but few points of leaves and twigs from which to begin his airy circuit, so, Keats says, 'man should be content with as few points to tip with the fine web of his soul, and weave a tapestry empyrean, full of


JOHN KEATS 43

symbols for his spiritual eye, of softness for his spiritual touch, of space for his wanderings, of distinctness for his luxury.' All the while Keats was 'budding patiently', feeling his powers expand, and with the 'viewless wings of Poesy' taking ever larger flights. An absorption in ideals, a yearning passion for the beautiful, was, he says, his master-passion. Matthew Arnold remarks it was with him 'an intellectual and spiritual passion. It is "connected and made one" as Keats declares that in his case it was "with the ambition of the intellect ".' It is, as he again says, the 'mighty abstract Idea of Beauty in all things'. Listen to one or two striking passages from his letters: 'This morning Poetry has conquered,—I have relapsed into those abstractions which are my only life.' 'I feel more and more every day, as my imagination strengthens, that I do not live in this world alone, but in a thousand worlds. No sooner am I alone than shapes of epic greatness are stationed round me, and serve my spirit the office which is equivalent to a King's body-guard. Then "Tragedy with scepter'd pall comes sweeping by".'What the imagination seizes as beauty must be truth '—the expression in prose of his ever memorable lines,

Beauty is truth, truth beauty,—that is all
Ye know on Earth, and all ye need to know.

III

Keats's first published work, a small volume of poems issued in 1817, contained the verses written while he was a student and before he had abandoned the profession. With the exception of one or two small pieces it contained nothing of note. The sonnet on Chapman's Homer, written while he was a pupil at Guy's, was the


44 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

most remarkable poem of the collection. In 1818 appeared Endymion, a poetic romance, an ambitious work, which, in the autumn of the year, was mercilessly 'cut up' in the Quarterly and in Blackwood. Popularly these reviews are believed to have caused Keats's early death—a belief fostered by the jaunty rime of Byron:

'Tis strange the mind, that very fiery particle, Should let itself be snuffed out by an article.

The truth is, no event in Keats's life so warmly commends him to us, or shows more clearly the genuine robustness of his mind, than his attitude in this much-discussed episode. In the first place, he had a clear, for so young a man an extraordinarily clear, perception of the limitation of his own powers and the value of his work. The preface to Endymion, one of the most remarkable ever written, contains his own lucid judgement. He felt that his foundations were 'too sandy', that the poem was an immature, feverish attempt, in which he had moved, as he says, from the leading-strings to the go-cart. Did any critic ever sketch with firmer hand the mental condition of a young man in transition? 'The imagination of a boy is healthy, and the mature imagination of a man is healthy; but there is a space of life between, in which the soul is in a ferment, the character undecided, the way of life uncertain, the ambition thick-sighted; thence proceeds mawkishness, and all the thousand bitters which those men I speak of must necessarily taste in going over the following pages.' It cannot be denied that there are in Endymion, as the Quarterly Review puts it, 'the most incongruous ideas in the most uncouth language,' but the poem has lines of splendid merit, some indeed which have passed into the daily life of the people.

Naturally the criticism of the Quarterly and of Black-

 

JOHN KEATS 45

wood rankled deeply in his over-sensitive heart, but after the first pangs he appears to have accepted the castigation in a truly philosophic way. In a letter to his friend Hersey, dated Oct. 9, 1818, he writes, 'Praise or blame has but a momentary effect on the man whose love of beauty in the abstract makes him a severe critic in his own works. My own domestic criticism has given me pain without comparison beyond what Blackwood or the Quarterly could possibly inflict,—and also when I feel I am right, no external praise can give me such a glow as my own solitary reperception and ratification of what is fine. J. S. is perfectly right in regard to the slipshod Endymion. That it is so is no fault of mine. No! — though it may sound a little paradoxical, it is as good as I had power to make it—by myself.' And he adds, 'I will write independently,—I have written independently without judgment. I may write independently, and with judgment hereafter. The Genius of Poetry must work out its own salvation in a man.' A young man of twenty-three who could write this, whatever else he possessed, had the mens sana, and could not be killed by a dozen reviews.

In June, 1820, appeared Keats's third work, Lamia, Isabella, The Eve of St. Agnes, and other poems, which placed him in the first rank of English writers. I will quote briefly the criticisms of two masters.

'No one else in English poetry save Shakespeare,' says Matthew Arnold, 'has in expression quite the fascinating facility of Keats, his perfection of loveliness. "I think," he said humbly, "I shall be among the English poets after my death." He is; he is with Shakespeare.'

Lowell, speaking of his wonderful power in the choice of words, says:

46 BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

'Men's thoughts and opinions are in a great degree the vassals of him who invents a new phrase or reapplies an old one. The thought or feeling a thousand times repeated becomes his at last who utters it best ... As soon as we have discovered the word for our joy or our sorrow we are no longer its serfs, but its lords. We reward the discoverer of an anaesthetic for the body and make him a member of all the societies, but him who finds a nepenthe for the soul we elect into the small Academy of the Immortals.'

And I will add a criticism on the letters by Edward Fitzgerald:

'Talking of Keats, do not forget to read Lord Houghton's Life and Letters of him; in which you will find what you may not have guessed from his poetry (though almost unfathomably deep in that also), the strong masculine sense and humour, etc., of the man; more akin to Shakespeare, I am tempted to think, in a perfect circle of poetic faculties, than any poet since.'

 

IV

Very few indications of his professional training are to be found in Keats's letters; fewer still in the poems. Referring to his studies, he says, in one of the early poems (the epistle to George Felton Mathew), 'far different cares beckon me sternly from soft Lydian airs.' During the four years from 1817 to 1820 he made fitful efforts to bestir himself into action, and on several occasions his thoughts turned toward his calling. In a letter to his brother, written in February, 1819, he says, 'I have been at different times turning it in my head whether I should go to Edinburgh and study for a physician; I am afraid I should not take kindly to it; I am sure I could not take fees—and yet I should like to do so; it is not worse than writing poems and hang

 

JOHN KEATS 47

ing them up to be fly-blown on the Review shambles.' In 1818 he wrote to his friend Reynolds, 'Were I to study physic, or rather medicine, again, I feel it would not make the least difference in my poetry; when the mind is in its infancy a bias is in reality a bias, but when we acquire more strength, a bias becomes no bias,' adding that he is glad he had not given away his medical books, 'which I shall again look over, to keep alive the little I know thitherwards.' In May, 1820, when convalescent from the first attack of haemoptysis, he wrote to Dilke, 'I have my choice of three things — or at least two—South America or surgeon to an Indiaman, which last will be my fate.' A year before, in a letter to Miss Jeffreys, he spoke of voyaging to and from India for a few years, but in June, 1819, he tells his sister that he has given up the idea of an Indiaman, and that he 'was preparing to enquire for a situation with an apothecary'. Allusions to or analogies drawn from medical subjects are rare in his letters. In one place, in writing from Devonshire, he says, 'When I think of Wordsworth's sonnet, "Vanguard of Liberty! Ye men of Kent!" (in Wordsworth at all events) the degraded race about me are pulvis ipecac. simplex— a strong dose.'

He played a medical prank on his friend Brown, who had let his house to a man named Nathan Benjamin. The water which furnished the house was in a tank lined with lime, which impregnated the water unpleasantly. Keats wrote the following short note to Brown:

Sir, — By drinking your damn'd tank water I have got the gravel. What reparation can you make to me and my family?